Where does the concept `global civil society' stem from, what does it really mean today? Where will the vision contained in the concept lead us? John Keane, the founder of the Centre for the Study of Democracy (UK) and leading thinker in the field, offers readers a thorough and well-argued set of answers and wide-ranging questions to consider.

`Global Civil Society' has developed into a catchphrase within the current globalization debate. This scholarly analysis of its historical origins debunks some widely held myths and contributes to a much clearer conceptualization. Keane contends that past attempts to build global civil societies failed, drawing on examples from Christianity, Islam, ancient and more recent Empires and socialism Soviet style. To underpin his own definition of civil society, he cites numerous schools of thought. Characterizations range from very broad to very narrow. All concur that civil society is a counterbalance to government. Some see it as all encompassing - including all sectors of society except government. Others prefer a very narrow, idealist vision that restricts civil society to non-government, non-profit groupings that have a more or less common social and political agenda. Modern Global Civil Society, he argues, has to be understood against the backdrop of the failures of the past. Whereas he accepts that Western European intellectual elites of the 19th century were among the catalysts for current global societal developments, he refutes the criticism of those who consider today's vision of Global Civil Society a Northern concept imposed on the rest of the world. The presence of strong and growing movements from Southern countries proves his point.

Global, regional or national inter-connected networks of widely differing non-governmental organizational configurations typify the modern civil society movements. Consequently, Keane states, global citizens today are not at all anti-globalization. Instead they are marked by a `cross-border mentality', having created a `special social space' from where they can challenge the powers that be, whether governmental or corporate. Keane identifies one important common thread among the movements: the mutual respect for diversity, compromise and connectivity.

He also reminds us of the complex interplay of civil society movements with their societal counterparts. Governments and the corporate sector, in particular today's `turbocapitalists', have played a major role and the evolution of civil society. Recognizing that the dynamics between civil society, governments and corporate business is often contradictory, Keane urges all players not to be discouraged in working towards a new global system of governance. He insists that what is needed is bold new democratic thinking for a new world governance system - an `unprecedented world polity' - which he defines as `cosmocracy'. Cosmocracy is an evolving and dynamic system. Even though we do not have all the answers and aspects of it appear confusing and chaotic, reading Keane impels us to boldly go where no society has gone before...

While elements of this `global conglomeration of interacting and overlapping institutions and processes' are in existence today, such as the UN, these are not adequate, as traditional thinking will not suffice. The diverse threats and vulnerabilities to global civil society can be addressed, he contends, as long as the gravest danger to its survival is prevented: fatalism.

Keane's investigation represents a major contribution to current thinking on global civil society and world governance systems. The meticulous referencing to his sources through extensive footnotes offers the reader more than a glimpse into the academic debates surrounding the issues raised by his study. Anybody with an interest in socio-political studies would be well advised to use this book as a starting point for research and a guide to further reading. [Friederike Knabe - Ottawa, Canada]